Does She Encourage Thinness?

This essay examines the question of whether the iconic â€Å"Barbie Doll† (â€Å"Barbie†) causes young (5-8 year old) girls to desire thinness, thereby detrimentally effecting their self-image. Barbie, introduced to the children’s market in the 1950s, is a 9-inch doll created with what are widely regarded as imaginary proportions. Concern over the adverse effects of Barbie on children growing, Barbie’s figure was recently changed to reflect, among other things, a smaller bust and wider hips. Nevertheless, the controversy still remains: Does Barbie contribute to or even create negative body images in young girls?II. The Concerns: Barbie as Destructive Force Concerned parents and adult women who themselves were affected by the body size and shape portrayed by America’s favorite doll have expressed fear or conviction that playing with Barbie dolls may or does lead to a panoply of image-related problems in the youth who play with them. Little best examp les the detrimental results of Barbie on children than the reputed decision of one adult woman to request that a plastic surgeon recreate her body and face to mirror Barbie’s.When examined closely, however, the woman – and, eventually, society – learned that Barbie, if created as a human being, would have feet too small to balance her body on, breasts too large to be supported by her tiny waist, and hips likely too narrow to bear children. Indeed, Barbie could literally never exist in reality. At core, those opposed to Barbie for image-related reasons posit that girls at particularly vulnerable ages are easily impressed upon by the doll they come to not only play with, but idealize. Those girls wish not only to do all the things Barbie does – become an astronaut or doctor – but look like her.While becoming an astronaut or doctor are attainable goals for most if not all young girls, achieving Barbie’s looks is not. Were Barbie not important, she would in fact have little if any effect over her fans. III. Why They Have Their Point Though Barbie may not be responsible for the destructive force many attribute to her, concerned parents and former Barbie fans do have their point: Women do not look like Barbie dolls. Though an ultimate compliment may be, â€Å"You’re so pretty – you look like a Barbie,† in reality Barbie paints a picture of women that does not accurately reflect nature.For children particularly, impressions are easily made at tender ages, when bodies have yet to develop and knowledge is limited. Therefore, the five- or six-year old child, who has little reason to know otherwise, will be prone to accepting Barbie’s figure and appearance as a true reflection of what she will one day become. The detrimental effects may be especially harsh on children without mothers or sisters in their lives, or children in families who perpetuate negative self-images via perpetual dieting or other be haviors.For those children – the ones who arguably need the most direction – they may â€Å"look to† Barbie for more and as a result shape their own self-images around her. IV. Anti-Barbie: A Correct Assumption Underlying the Barbie dissenter’s opinion is the assumption that Barbie’s fans are easily impressionable and that Barbie has enough power in their lives to effect self-perception. Little argument can be made as to the former assumption (few would dispute that 5-year-olds are easily manipulated); and, though there is room for doubt as to the latter proposition, popularity attests to Barbie’s frontrunner status in the children’s market.Year by year, Barbie is consistently a favorite among young girls, and over time has evolved from teen fashion model to wife to mother to career woman. Throughout all, her figure has remained unscathed, sending the perhaps subconscious message to the girls who idealize her that they, too, will look forever young and thin no matter how old they grow or how differently their bodies may be made. It is Barbie’s enduring popularity that makes her so central a figure in the lives of so many. V. Why Barbie Works Despite Her FlawsDespite criticism, Barbie may in fact little harm a young girl’s self-image. She is, after all, just a doll. Few girls are told, or even given the suggestion, that Barbie is a true reflection of women’s bodies or lives. Barbie no more accurately reflects women’s bodies than does Ken accurately reflect men’s, and she is not designed to. Barbie, rather, is a tool of escape. Children of ages five, six, and even eight and ten seldom if ever would be found focusing on Barbie’s proportions or dress size. They, rather, use her as a tool with which to engage in fantasy.Beyond this, while Barbie may be the most popular girls’ toy, she is far from the most determinative factor on a young woman’s self-image. Most girls discontinue Barbie play well before their adolescence, the time when most young women begin focusing on and comparing their bodies with others. The force of society on a girl’s self-image cannot be underplayed. To assign Barbie with greatly influencing a girl’s view of her body when she is bombarded with images of real girls in popular culture who are unnaturally thin (on television, in magazines, in film) is to assign to her more importance than she in fact has.While Barbie lives in the world of fantasy and toy, images of super-thin models and women abound in an adolescent’s very real world – in the magazines she reads and on the television programs she watches. In many instances, the superstars and celebrities she looks up to are unnaturally thin and encourage her to dislike her own body. Perhaps more importantly, a young girl’s friends and family likely have far more influence on a girl’s perception of herself than Barbie.If a girlà ¢â‚¬â„¢s mother is comfortable with her body, she will likely instill similar comfort in her daughter. If, in contrast, a girl grows up hearing her mother perpetually complain that she (the mother) is fat or otherwise inadequate, she may well internalize such thought process and apply it to herself. Peers, too, who complain that their bodies are inadequate in one form or another may cause self-doubt in a girl. VI. A Balance: Healthy Barbie Though Barbie may not have the effect on her fans that her critics assign to her, itis likely that she does have some influence over her audience. Barbie, a staple of the toy world, doubtless plays her part in society and in shaping the goals, values, and self-images of those who play with her. To some extent, Mattel, Barbie’s creator, has recognized and attempted to remedy some of the potential damage Barbie’s surreal figure may do on young girls by slightly changing her mold. Mattel, however, can do only so much, and even the doll sold today paints a false picture of what most girls will mature to look like.Short of Mattel creating a Barbie that comes in all different shapes and sizes, parents in particular can use their influence to minimize any ill-effects Barbie may potentially have. Children should be taught that bodies do not come in standard sizes, and that it is important to have a positive view of yourself no matter how you are built. For some households, this may entail limiting or completely erasing Barbie from the toy mixture. More ideal, however, would be to tell children that they are beautiful and fine, and that Barbie is what she is marketed as: Just a toy.

Has Devolution worked?

Abstract The purpose of this essay will be to consider whether the process of devolution in the United Kingdom since 1999 has been successful and consider some of the points of convergence and divergence, which have occurred in terms of policy development in the region, as well the impact which the austerity measures introduced by the Coalition government have had on Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Introduction The process of devolution is one that can be considered as a response to widespread processes of restructuring in the forms of governance in the Western world and also a part of a global phenomenon (Rodriguez-Pose and Gill, 2005; Williams and Mooney, 2008; Keating et al. 2009). In the context of the UK, the process of devolution should be understood as the process of granting semi-autonomous legislative powers to the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly of Wales and the Northern Ireland Assembly on behalf of the UK parliament (Gov.uk, 2013). Devolution in the UK specifically should be considered as a phenomenon of the political climate which existed in the second half of the 1990s. The process of devolution itself can be considered as an alternative to the policy adopted by successive Conservative governments in both Scotland and Wales (Trench, 2007). In addition, it was aimed to challenge the agenda set by more nationalist parties in the UK, whose political ideas and manifesto s gained popularity at the time (ibid.). Even though the newly established governing institutions had their predecessors in the past, which exercised similar legislative functions, the fact that they were now recognised as autonomous and sovereign was a major historical precedent (Rose, 1982). As a result of referendums taking place in September 1997 in Scotland and Wales, the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh National Assembly were established. In Northern Ireland, as a result of the signing of the Good Friday Agreement and following a national referendum in May 1998, the Northern Ireland Assembly was established (Birrell, 2009). In line with these developments in UK governance, the following essay will examine the impact which the process of devolution has had in terms of successful policy implementation. The impact of Devolution In the UK specifically, there are four different models of devolution, all reflecting the asymmetrical nature of the process and the different politics which characterise the different regions (Hazell, 2000). The Scottish parliament, for example, has a responsibility of developing policy in tackling the majority of domestic affairs without interference on behalf of the UK parliament. The Northern Ireland Assembly, on the other hand, has the capacity of passing legislation related to a wide range of issues; and the Welsh National Assembly has an elected assembly, which has been granted legislative powers following a referendum in 2011 (Gov.uk, 2013). In the rest of England outside London, where an elected mayor and assembly were established, the changes in administration were quite marginal and were reflected in the creation of Regional Development Agencies and unelected Regional Assemblies which have subsequently been abolished by the Conservative–Liberal Democratic Coalition Government. As this indicates, UK devolution is a process rather than an event (Shaw and MacKinnon, 2011). As a result of the implementation of UK devolution acts, the legislative competence over devolved matters and democratic representation and authority was transferred to the newly established devolved parliaments. Basing devolution on the functions previously exercised by the territorial departments served to reduce conflict over the distribution of powers and resources in the short-term, but at the expense of any long-term resolution of territorial imbalances and tensions (Jeffery, 2007). While Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have their own devolved institutions, England is governed centrally by the UK parliament, meaning that UK and English political institutions have effectively become fused. One of the unique features of UK devolution is reflected in the limited autonomy of the regions to raise their own taxes and be responsible for their re-investment (Gov.uk, 2013). T his contrasts with many other devolved or federal states in which the national and sub-national tiers share responsibility for both the raising and distribution of revenue (MacKinnon, 2013). Arguably, this could have a negative impact on the overall performance of the devolved regions, as it puts them in a subordinate position to the UK parliament in terms of financing and self-sufficiency, a policy problem which in the occurrence of the global recession has affected all three of the devolved regions. Devolution has important repercussions for public policy (Greer, 2007; Greer, 2009; Jeffery 2007; Keating, 2002; Keating 2009). In effect, the process of devolution has allowed the newly established governments to design and implement policies which take into consideration the specific economic and social conditions of the regions, thereby presenting localised solution to localised problems (Jeffery 2002). Despite the differences which exist among the regions, some commonalities in pol icy development can also be observed, namely in the provision of health care and tackling public health problems. The common economic challenges, combined with a tight fiscal policy means that the convergence of healthcare politics in all the devolved regions are likely to the preserved for some time (Smith and Hellowell, 2012). With the ongoing debates of more financial independence of the regions, however, it appears more likely than not that in the near future a more pronounced divergence in healthcare policy could happen in the nearby future (ibid.). To summarise this section, the process of devolution can be considered a success, as it has enabled the devolved regions to take the initiative of developing and implementing tailored policy decisions which take into consideration the specific conditions and challenges which exist in every one of the regions, despite the austerity measures and the impact of the economic recession. Devolution has also brought with itself a political reconsideration and reprioritization equality and human-rights in compulsory-phase education and how these are promoted, following the government’s commitment to mainstreaming (Chaney, 2011). With the different dimensions which devolution has in the UK, it appears plausible that the priorities of one government will not necessarily coincide with the priorities of another government. Moreover, within the different contextual settings, it is more than likely that different definitions of equality will be used (ibid.). Although there is still a long way to go in terms of promoting equality and human rights, devolution in the long-term could be the ground upon which more equal societies could be built. However, this is a fragile and slow process, and which, despite the progress achieved in the previous phase, largely associated with the policy of the New Labour, has come under threat by the politics of the Coalition Government, as the next few paragraphs will show. The process of devolution can be characterised by two distinct phases (MacKinnon, 2013). The first phase of UK devolution between 1999 and 2007 was characterised by common Labour Party government at the devolved and UK levels, stable inter-government relations and substantial increases in public expenditure (ibid). Over the period, the budgets of the devolved governments rose substantially between 2001/2002 and 2009/2010, (61.5% in Scotland, 60% in Wales and 62.6% in Northern Ireland) as a result of spending decisions taken by the Labour Government in London (HM Treasury 2007; 2011, as cited in MacKinnon, 2013). A new phase of devolution and constitutional politics has become apparent since 2007, defined by three distinguishing features (Danson et al., 2012). First, nationalist parties entered into government in Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast in 2007 as either minority governments or coalition partners. Second, there is the changed context of UK politics following the defeat of Labour in 2010 and the formation of a Coalition Government between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats. Third, the economic context has changed radically following the financial crisis of 2007–2008 and the ensuing economic recession. In response, the Coalition Government adopted a programme for reducing public expenditure by ?81 billion by 2015–16, thereby eliminating the UK’s structural deficit (Lowndes and Pratchett, 2012: 23). This has meant that the introduction of austerity measures designed to address the UK’s budget deficit by the Coalition Government since 2010 has also had significant implications for the devolved governments, reducing their budgets and requiring them to administer cuts locally, although they have been vocal in their opposition to austerity and support of alternative policy approaches such as increased capital expenditure (McEwen, 2013). In this climate, the devolved governments have reaffirmed their commitment to social justice and solidarity (Scott and Mooney, 2009), with the Scottish Government, for instance, arguing that the UK Coalition Government’s welfare reform agenda threatens the social democratic values of ‘civic Scotland’ (McEwen, 2013). In summary, despite the fact that the process of devolution has been successful in several aspects, all associated with granting a certain level of autonomy to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, this could all prove in vain unless more revenue-raising responsibilities are given to the regions. Conclusion The aim of this essay was to review the impact which the process of devolution has had in the UK. As it was noted, the nature of UK devolution should be considered as a long-term evolving process, rather than a single even. Economic and political conditions have changed markedly since the establishment of the institutions in 1999, particularly in terms of changes of government at devolved and Westminster levels, the onset of recession from 2008 and the introduction of a new politics of austerity. The underlying asymmetries of UK devolution have become more pronounced with the tendency towards greater autonomy for Scotland and Wales contrasting with greater centralisation and the abolition of regional institutions in England. These contradictions raise some fundamental questions about the territorial integrity of the state and the possible dissolution of Britain (Nairn, 2003) in the context of the Scottish independence referendum which is to be held in September 2014. As this essay ha s demonstrated, the process of devolution has achieved some notable successes in terms of public health, education policy and promoting equality, though it is impossible to predict what the future might hold in terms of further developments. Bibliography Birrell, D. (2009). The impact of devolution on social policy. The Policy Press. Chaney, P. (2011). Education, equality and human rights: Exploring the impact of devolution in the UK. Critical Social Policy, 31(3), 431-453. Danson, M., MacLeod, G., & Mooney, G. (2012). Devolution and the shifting political economic geographies of the United Kingdom. Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy, 30(1), 1-9. Greer, S. (2007) ‘The fragile divergence machine: citizenship, policy divergence, and intergovernmental relations’ (pp. 136-159), in Trench, A. (ed.), Devolution and power in the United Kingdom. Manchester University Press. Greer, S. (ed.) (2009). Devolution and Social Citizenship in the UK. The Policy Press. Gov.uk (2013) Devolution of powers to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/devolution-of-powers-to-scotland-wales-and-northern-ireland Hazell, R. (Ed.). (2000). The state and the nations: the first year of devolution in the U nited Kingdom. Imprint Academic. HM Treasury (2007) Public expenditure statistical analyses 2007, Cm 7091. London: The Stationery Office. HM Treasury (2011) Public expenditure statistical analyses 2007, Cm 8104. London: The Stationery Office. Jeffery, C. (2002). Devolution: Challenging local government. Joseph Rowntree. Jeffery, C. (2007). The Unfinished Business of Devolution Seven Open Questions. Public policy and administration, 22(1), 92-108. Keating, M. (2002) ‘Devolution and public policy in the United Kingdom: Divergence or convergence’ (pp.3-21), in Adams, J., & Robinson, P. (eds.), Devolution in practice: public policy differences within the UK. Institute for Public Policy Research. Keating, M. (2009) The independence of Scotland: Self-government and the shifting politics of union. Oxford University Press. Keating, M., Cairney, P., & Hepburn, E. (2009) Territorial policy communities and devolution in the UK. Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society, 2( 1), 51-66. Lowndes, V., & Pratchett, L. (2012). Local governance under the Coalition government: austerity, localism and the ‘Big Society’. Local government studies, 38(1), 21-40. MacKinnon, D. (2013). Devolution, state restructuring and policy divergence in the UK. The Geographical Journal. doi: 10.1111/geoj.12057 McEwen, N. (2013) Independence and the territorial politics of welfare The David Hume Institute Research Paper No. 4/2013. Edinburgh: The David Hume Institute. Available at: http://www.scotlandfutureforum.org/assets/library/files/application/Research_Paper_4-McEwen.pdf Nairn, T. (2003). The break-up of Britain: crisis and neo-nationalism. Common Ground. Rodriguez?Pose, A., & Gill, N. (2005). On the ‘economic dividend’of devolution. Regional Studies, 39(4), 405-420. Rose, R. (1982). The Territorial Dimension in Government: Understanding the United Kingdom. Chatham House. Scott, G., & Mooney, G. (2009). Poverty and social justice in the devolved Sc otland: neoliberalism meets social democracy. Social Policy and Society, 3(4), 379-389. Shaw, J., & MacKinnon, D. (2011). Moving on with ‘filling in’Some thoughts on state restructuring after devolution. Area, 43(1), 23-30. Smith, K., & Hellowell, M. (2012). Beyond Rhetorical Differences: A Cohesive Account of Post?devolution Developments in UK Health Policy. Social Policy & Administration, 46(2), 178-198. Trench, A. (ed.). (2007). Devolution and power in the United Kingdom. Manchester University Press. Williams, C., & Mooney, G. (2008) Decentring social policyDevolution and the discipline of social policy: A commentary. Journal of social policy, 37(3), 489.

Ethical Philosophies of Machiavelli and Subramanian Essay

One of the greatest comparisons of all time is to contrast Niccolo Machiavelli’s â€Å"The Prince† with V. K. Subramanian’s â€Å"The Chanakya: Kautilya. † Critically, a look can be taken into several different elements of each author’s work to best compare and contrast them. To that end, a look will be taken at the political, social, and ethical philosophies of Machiavelli and Subramanian to determine how they differ and in which ways the philosophies are similar. Niccolo Machiavelli’s The Prince† in the early 1500’s as a way of adding his insight from what he had seen of politics and hereditary principality—even though â€Å"it was plagiarized during Machiavelli’s lifetime†¦[and] was never published by him†¦[making] the text [itself as] still disputable† (Machiavelli 11). While current versions of â€Å"The Prince† are attributed to him, this fact of plagiarism and publishing fraud make the work even more intriguing, given the subject matter itself. Of the work itself, Machiavelli said that â€Å"I pour myself out as fully as I can in meditation on the subject, discussing what a principality is, what kinds there are, how they can be acquired, how they can be kept, why they are lost; and if any of the fancies ever pleased you, this ought not to displease you; and to a prince, especially to a new one, it should be welcome† (Machiavelli 11). Machiavelli dedicated the work itself to Lorenzo de’ Medici, even after he was put to torture by the family for treachery. Machiavelli’s methods are one of unique significance as he is writing, having been there, in the thick of things. Essentially, â€Å"The Prince† is meant as a guidebook on how to rule in all princely matters for Lorenzo de’ Medici. Machiavelli wrote about how hereditary principalities worked, how to keep that inheritance, and even how a prince could gain a new principality, and how a prince should rule his people and act, as a prince, and politically. While Machiavelli essentially confined his writings to obtaining fortune, keeping and obtaining power, and virtue as a leader, a look can be taken into his writings to discover the philosophies beneath his ideas. In comparison, V. K. Subramanian’s â€Å"The Chanakya: Kautilya† was published in 1980 about and are translated from are translated from three works known as the â€Å"Chankyasutras,† the â€Å"Chankyanitidarpan† and the â€Å"Arthshastra† and are based upon the time in history around 300 BC. The intro of Subramanian’s work notes that â€Å"Chanakya, also known as Kautilya and Vishnugupta was the famous Indian Machiavelli who was responsible for the overthrow of the last ruler of the Nada Dynasty and the enthronement of Chandragupta Maurya†¦there is an interesting story about Chanakya’s first encounter with Chandragupta, which ultimately ended in their collaboration and capture of power† (Subramanian 1). Subramanian’s work, then, is a direct reflection of Machiavelli’s own. What makes them similar, however, despite the men within the tales, is the philosophies shared between the two. Machiavelli’s political philosophy is perhaps the easiest to pinpoint as the very purpose of his work revolved around the necessity of a prince to reign successfully. Machiavelli, actually, mainly focused on the political aspects of maintaining and gaining principalities. He notes that â€Å"let any one now consider with what little difficulty the king could have maintained his position in Italy had he observed the rules above laid down, and kept all his friends secure and protected; for although they were numerous they were both weak and timid, some afraid of the Church†¦and thus they would always have been forced to stand in with him, and by their means he could easily have made himself secure against those who remained powerful† (30). Machiavelli is urging his prince to take note of the past and understand that had the king protected his weaker neighbors, he would have not only gained them as allies—but also could have gained them as part of his reign. And, at all costs, he should protect his allies as he would protect his own lands. Politically, being a stronger power, he would have been made into the â€Å"leader,† who they would be indebted to and would follow with more loyalty than any money could purchase. And, to Machiavelli, the art of gaining allies and principalities, even de facto ones, was the art to be achieved. Even more so, Subramanian’s fourth maxim entitled â€Å"Advisors, Aides, Counselors, Ministers,† notes that â€Å"after equipping oneself fully, one should seek an ally (aide), one without an advisor has no certainty of counsel, one wheel does not move (the vehicle), the true aide serves alike in prosperity and adversity, a self respecting ruler should appoint as counselor, one who is inferior to him, and respects him†¦deflection to the enemy takes place due to negligence† (22-25). In this, Subramanian agrees wholeheartedly with Machiavelli’s statements. To be a successful ruler, allies must be taken and protected, first and foremost, before true rule can begin. The reason being, that with allies, a force become much stronger, incrementally, with each ally added. Furthermore, each ally must be protected and cared for to ensure their cooperation—but with that cooperation comes an extended kingdom. Indeed, Machiavelli’s social philosophy can be found within his writings on obtaining fortune. Machiavelli writes that â€Å"principalities are either hereditary, in which the family has been long established; or they are new†¦. such dominions thus acquired are either accustomed to live under a prince, or to live in freedom; and are acquired either by the arms of the prince himself, or of others, or else by fortune or by ability† (21). Machiavelli is commenting, simply, that the way in which a prince gains land is two-fold: either he inherits it or he fights for it. The manner in which the prince gains and obtains his land, however, is what makes the prince either beloved by his people or hated. For Machiavelli, gaining the most principalities possible by virtuous means was the ideal result. And, as he instructed his prince, it was best to be good, socially, if any hopes of maintaining that principality are held. In fact, Machiavelli comments that, for example, â€Å"Louis the Twelfth, King of France, quickly occupied Milan, and as quickly lost it; and to turn him out the first time it only needed Lodovico’s own forces; because those who had opened the gates to him, finding themselves deceived in their hopes of future benefit, would not endure the ill-treatment of the new prince† (23). Moreover, â€Å"it is very true that, after acquiring rebellious provinces a second time, they are not so lightly lost afterwards, because the prince, with little reluctance, takes the opportunity of the rebellion to punish the delinquents, to clear out the suspects, and to strengthen himself in the weakest places† (24). Thus, not only is it important for a prince to be clear in his occupation in a land, to become most beloved, he must first get rid of the troublemakers—thus leaving the peaceable, and willing to be occupied. If a prince does not take this step, he is left in hostile territory with people willing to stage an overthrow. On contrast, Subramanian writes out a few of the maxims of Chanakya, citing that â€Å"economic prosperity creates prosperity for the people, if the people are prosperous, even a leaderless state can be governed, people’s fury is the greatest of furies†¦[and] to be without a master is better than having an arrogant master† (22). In this, the two authors cannot be more different from the other. Machiavelli believes that the first step of any prince should be to take a firm grasp upon his principalities, to conquer new ones, and to rout the dissenters by force before they can rally for an overthrow. Machiavelli believes that by getting rid of the rebellious people before they can act, a leader can sustain and mark his position within his land, taking charge before the people even really know that it has happened. Then, once all the rebellion has been stamped out, a leader can begin to make his land prosperous. However, Subramanian cites a very different kind of social philosophy, making note that a leader might as well not exist if he intends to be a tyrant to the people, that a people have more respect for a man intent on prosperity, first, and rebellion last. Because, in an attempt to rout the dissenters, a leader would make a dent on the value the people hold for him—and thus their fury would remain. To really be a true leader and be beloved by his land, a leader must intend on affluence and prosperity as his bottom line. Finally, Machiavelli’s ethical and moral philosophy requires the most interpretation to highlight significantly. As Machiavelli writes about virtue in a leader, instructing a prince on how to act and behave, an ethical philosophy is formed. On contrast, Subramanian’s ethical philosophy stems from his ethical roots maxim that states â€Å"righteousness is the root of happiness, wealth is the root of righteousness, the state of the root is wealth, victory over senses is the root of the state, humility is the root of sense control, worship of elders is the root of humility, wisdom results from the worship of elders, with wisdom one can prosper, the prosperous one becomes the victorious one†¦[and] the victorious one obtains all the riches† (21-22). Despite it’s cryptic fortune-cookie nature, Subramanian’s writings do indeed have a fine message on ethical philosophy, here. In explicating the words, Subramanian is saying that to be a good leader, on must first be righteous, but to be righteous, one must first have wealth, to have wealth, one must first have victory, to have victory, one must first have humility, to have humility, one must listen to their elders to obtain wisdom, and with that wisdom a leader can prosper and be victorious in all they seek to achieve. The value here, is that Subramanian notes the significance of wisdom in all things. Without wisdom and following and heeding the elders who have come before, a leader stands no chance of being successful. Morally, a leader is obligated to his people to be triumphant so that the land can prosper, but without wisdom, a leader is nothing to his people but a tyrant. Subramanian says what Machiavelli does not. To Machiavelli, leading a people, by first disposing of the bad ones, is the best way for a prince to prosper in his lands. While he encourages his prince to be sound and wise, he first sends out the encouragement that the prince must always guard his assets, for fear of being overthrown or taken down by a greater force. To Machiavelli, obtaining land and prospering was, essentially, about war. To win that war, a prince had to be wise, and indeed, listen to his elders as well, but not in the ethical sense. Machiavelli meant for the prince to watch out for himself, first and foremost, and then, once the land became prosperous, Machiavelli encouraged the prince to be good to his people so that they would love him and understand that they were prosperous because of him. To Machiavelli, the ethical philosophy came last, after conquering and protecting one’s principalities. Overall, one of the greatest comparisons of all time is to contrast Niccolo Machiavelli’s â€Å"The Prince† with V. K. Subramanian’s â€Å"The Chanakya: Kautilya. † Taking a look at several different elements of each author’s work critically revealed a great level of significance as to their philosophies on politics, socially, and even ethically. Politically, Machiavelli and Subramanian follow the same philosophy, which intends a leader to find and protect allies first and foremost. As to social philosophy, however, the two authors cannot be more different. Machiavelli intends his prince to take charge and stamp out rebellion, while Subramanian cites that prosperity and kindness should be shown towards the new land. And finally, ethically, the two authors also differ. Machiavelli is intent on a prince who focuses on war and conquering new lands, and in this way a leader can gain wisdom and insight—however, to Subramanian, wisdom only comes by following one’s elders. Morally, a leader is obligated to his people to be triumphant so that the land can prosper, but without wisdom, a leader is nothing to his people but a tyrant. Works Cited. Machiavelli, Niccolo. The Prince. Trns. W. K. Marriott. New York: Plain Label Books, 1910. Subramanian, V. K. Maxims of Chanakya: Kautilya. India: Abhinav Publications, 1980.

Saturday School

Who would want to spend their Saturday at school, no one? As soon as that very last bell rings on Friday you and everyone else are ready to get out of there. When Saturday comes around all I want to do that day is hang with friends, sleep in all day, or something fun. I am sure you feel and many others agree with what I am thinking. Spending your Saturday at school is something you certainly do not want to do! On Saturday I’m all set to go to a friend’s house and have some fun. That day I don’t have a worry in the world.I get to stay up all night and enjoy being with my friend’s. Nobody even wants to think twice about anything school associated. I highly doubt anyone would rather go to school on Saturday than just going one extra hour a day, the rest of the week. I mean come on. It is ridiculous to spend your Saturday at school instead of at your friend’s house. It is not ethical to go to school on Saturday when you’re supposed to be sleeping in all day! We teenagers need as much sleep as we can get to develop properly. Please really think about this.Going to school for just one extra hour is not that unreasonable. If you choose to go on Saturday that is a complete seven hours you cannot spend sleeping in. Lastly, the most significant reason we should not have school on a Saturday is you’re supposed to be doing something fun that day! What if you had a trip planned that Saturday to go to mall or maybe even skydiving? If you end up choosing to have school that Saturday you cannot go now! Saturday’s are meant to be all about fun and nothing to do with education.That is our day off to have fun and be free of school. It is not our day to be locked up for hours in a boring old school. Really think about what I am saying! You will regret it if you do not! In conclusion, Saturday school should be entirely out of the question. On Saturday, your day should consist of hanging with a friend, sleeping in all day or ju st doing something enjoyable. Before you make a verdict, truly think about what I said and make the choice you and I both know is the right one!

SWOT Analysis Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

SWOT Analysis - Assignment Example In was clearly stated in the Occupational Outlook Handbook published online by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics that the nursing profession has growth prospects of â€Å"26 percent from 2010 to 2020, faster than the average for all occupations. Growth will occur primarily because of technological advancements, permitting a greater number of health problems to be treated; an increased emphasis on preventive care; and the large, aging baby boomer population who will demand more healthcare services as they live longer and more active lives than previous generations† (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012, par. 1). As expounded, â€Å"growth is expected to be much faster than average in outpatient care centers, where patients do not stay overnight, such as those that provide same-day chemotherapy, rehabilitation, and surgery. Also, an increased number of procedures, as well as more sophisticated procedures once done only in hospitals, are being done in physicians' offices† (B ureau of Labor Statistics, 2012, par. 2). Due to these opportunities, the types of skills sets that nurses need to lead in some of the identified areas should focus on â€Å"traditional nursing competencies such as care management and coordination, patient education, public health intervention, and transitional care are likely to dominate in a reformed health care system as it inevitably moves toward an emphasis on prevention and management rather than acute care†.... Growth will occur primarily because of technological advancements, permitting a greater number of health problems to be treated; an increased emphasis on preventive care; and the large, aging baby boomer population who will demand more healthcare services as they live longer and more active lives than previous generations† (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012, par. 1). As expounded, â€Å"growth is expected to be much faster than average in outpatient care centers, where patients do not stay overnight, such as those that provide same-day chemotherapy, rehabilitation, and surgery. Also, an increased number of procedures, as well as more sophisticated procedures once done only in hospitals, are being done in physicians' offices† (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012, par. 2). Due to these opportunities, the types of skills sets that nurses need to lead in some of the identified areas should focus on â€Å"traditional nursing competencies such as care management and coordination, patient education, public health intervention, and transitional care are likely to dominate in a reformed health care system as it inevitably moves toward an emphasis on prevention and management rather than acute care† (O’Neil, 2009; cited in Institute of Medicine of the National Academies, 2011, p. 1-5). Likewise, to address cultural diversity of patients, nurses must enhance skills on cultural competencies and diversity consciousness, as indicated. Question Three: What are some of the threats to nursing as a profession and to nurses as they work to implement change with quality care and patient centered focus in the acute care environment and in ambulatory

Corporate Social Responsibility Reports Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Corporate Social Responsibility Reports - Essay Example The essay "Corporate Social Responsibility Reports" discusses the relationship the corporate social responsibility report has with all its stakeholders like employees, communities, customers, suppliers, governments, and environment and whether it provides the shareholders and all the stakeholders with useful information. The readers of a CSR report expect that the company should go beyond simple community affairs in their report. Companies which are new to this CSR reporting may confine the CSR reports to reporting only the charitable giving and the volunteer programs. Corporations are now increasingly expected to issue the CSR report to their stakeholders. A CSR report which focuses only on the community is too narrow to be considered as a comprehensive reporting on their commitments to the community through the CSR report. Such Community affairs reports may be useful for the local communities which want to understand how the firms support their causes. But they fail to provide the others with substantive information which is necessary to assess the strengths and the weakness of a corporation to all its stakeholders. There are many accounting theories in this respect. The Stakeholder theory implies that a business has to interact with a number of parties in the environment. These groups or actors are known as the stakeholders. They can be investors, customers, political groups, employees, communities, trade associations, governments, suppliers etc. The communication between them is bidirectional in nature. (Deegan and Rankin, 1996, pp. 50-69). It means that the business influences the stakeholders while the stakeholders also influence the business at the same time. Figure 1: Directions of influence between the business and the stakeholders Stake in a business is defined as the potential benefit which a company provides to the stakeholders. Business has to consider many people, groups or anyone who have interest in the business. This theory can be viewed as ins trumental, descriptive or normative. Presence of any relationship between the stakeholders and the profitability denotes the instrumental nature of the theory (Hooghiemstra, 2000, pp. 55-68). Explanation of the past, present and future of the business and the stakeholders denotes the descriptive nature of the theory. Presenting the function of the business through codes of conduct denotes the normative perspective. According to several studies, it is unethical to focus only on the intent of the shareowners and not on the interest of the customers and employers. The central idea of this theory is that it is not only the shareowners but also the interest of cast set of stakeholders which needs to be satisfied by the managers. According to this theory, there is more than just profit maximizing ability of the firm (Mahoney, Thorne, Cecil and LaGore, 2013, pp. 350-359). The firm needs

Independent contracting DB1 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Independent contracting DB1 - Essay Example In my case, I am the manager and also I have been given people to worker under me meaning that I will not be controlled by the company managers. The court also looks on finance, whether the company provides tools, pays for taxes and insurance for workers. An independent contractor does not benefit from pension, insurance and also he/she pays taxes. In my case, I will be responsible for paying my taxes, insurance and no pension plan. The court also looks in a relationship between the worker and the company. This includes whether the company compensates the worker for damages and the terms of the contract whether the contract is short or permanent (Bohlander and Snell, 2012). I am not an agent of the Gregs Goofy Gadgets because I will be working for the company together with the company workers, and an agent acts on behave of the company. An agent is not given title and in this case I will be a manager of the two employees. An agent also gets profit for the worker done but in this case I will only be earning $14.00 per hour (Bohlander and Snell, 2012). Based on the scenario’s facts I am a contractor and not an employee. Even in respect to courts definition, I can be classified as an independent contractor of the